WALTER KENDALL

Walter Kendall was born on the 22 December 1926 in East Ham, the youngest of three children. His mother was Lucy Edith Kendall and his father, a police inspector, William Frank Kendall. In 1936 the family moved to Wimbledon and two years later he won a scholarship to nearby King's College. Kendall left in 1943 with a University of London School Certificate with matriculation exemption - which qualified the holder to apply for university entry without taking a matriculation exam. He was rejected for military service because of extremely poor eyesight and, as he later explained 'first entered the ranks of the mass labour movement in 1944-45 at the age of eighteen.'' ['Organising the Left', lecture at the University of Sussex, 24 May 1976, p 1] when, as a clerical worker in the Ministry of Economic Warfare, he became a member of the Civil Service Clerical Association. As a temporary civil servant he worked in the London office of the Control Commission for Germany, which at that time, he later recalled, still had maps used by Eisenhower for Overlord pinned to the walls. He was then redeployed to work that involved handling intelligence, an experience which gave him a large measure of scepticism about the accuracy and value of such material for the rest of his life.

At 21 he was secretary of the large Control Commission branch of the Civil Service Clerical Association and its delegate at the union's annual conference. Sometime in the immediate post-war years, probably in 1947, he left the Control Commission and worked his way round Britain taking temporary jobs. In the winter of 1948 he was in the Warrington area of Lancashire by which time he had joined the Transport and General Workers' Union. This is his own account of what followed: 'my most important experience in the T&GWU was to organise the PX warehouse on the Burtonwood, US air base which was the main service and maintenance centre for US aircraft engaged on the Berlin airlift. I had just organised the warehouse Staff and was about to negotiate union recognition, when one of my members was arbitrarily dismissed without good cause. I immediately went to the manager and told him that unless he reinstated the man at once I would call the men out on strike without further delay. He refused. The men stopped work immediately. If it had spread in solidarity to the maintenance staff the whole Berlin airlift might have been called into question - I had inadvertently lit a match in a gunpowder magazine. The forces of reaction quickly mobilised. Two full-time T&GWU officials arrived on the scene and refused the official recognition of the strike. The US air force quickly mustered a first-rate persuasive labour relations orator from their intelligence staff. He addressed the men from the back of a truck in the warehouse and convinced them to get out from underneath me while the case went to arbitration. I was out of work for some weeks, the men collected for me, but I still had to pawn my only warm overcoat in mid-winter. In the end I was laid off from the PX and given the job as a clerk in one of the RAF administrative offices on the base. That was the end of my membership of the T&GWU.' ['Some memoirs of an interesting life', pp 92-3.]

After a short spell in Rhyl as branch manager of the Coastal Cycle Company, Kendall returned to Wimbledon, working successively as an assistant manager in a firm of paper merchants, and in the export department of Amalgamated Dairies. It was during this period, in 1952, that he joined USDAW, the shopworkers' union. He served on its London District Council and as a delegate to Labour Party and TUC conferences for several years. A particular concern at this time, to which Kendall made a major contribution, was the union's need to cope effectively with the spread of supermarkets - then a novel phenomenon. When, in 1987, he was awarded Honorary Life Membership of that union, five years after a Long Service Award for 30 years continuous membership, Kendall would comment; 'I know of no other Labour historian in Britain who possesses such a label of honour.' ['Some Memoirs', p 95]

He had met Pamela Browning through Labour Party activities in 1947. They married in 1954. In 1956 he became export credit manager of S Japhet & Co., merchant bankers and part of the Charter House Corporation, but, sacrificing any chance of becoming in time director of a City bank, he was already hard at work on what was eventually to become his Revolutionary Movement in Britain. Kendall left and took temporary work to give him more time for his research and writing - working as a registered guide for the British Tourist and Holiday Association.

Meanwhile, between 1946 and 1953, he was active in the Labour Party's League of Youth, (LoY) chairing its Wimbledon branch, writing pamphlets, editing its local journal and serving on the National Consultative Committee and as a member of the editorial board of its national organ, Socialist Advance. Unlike a great many people of his generation who, like him, described themselves as 'Marxist', Kendall was from the outset immune to all varieties of Leninism. During his time in the Labour League of Youth he resisted the efforts of Tony Cliff to recruit him to the newly-founded Socialist Review Group, many of whose adherents were members of the LoY. At various times he carried out many Labour Party or other Labour movement roles including chairing Wimbledon Labour Party, acting as election agent, trades council delegate, and co-op movement activities including a spell on the London Co-Operative Society's Political Committee - and, in the early 1950s, Labour PM of the Wimbledon Youth Parliament!

Labour's Northern Voice, which had started life as the organ of the Lancashire Division of the ILP, was by the early 1960s being edited by Frank Allaun, Labour MP for Salford East. Kendall discussed with him starting a more specifically trade union oriented monthly paper aimed at national coverage and, together with Richard Fletcher, launched Voice of the Unions in 1963. More industry specific papers of that group followed, notably Engineering Voice which was of some importance in supporting the rise of Hugh Scanlon and the 'Broad Left' of the Engineering Union. Voice played a major role in the revival of the movement for industrial democracy and Kendall was also one of the founders of the Institute of Workers' Control (IWC) in March 1968. It was always his position within the IWC that it needed to operate less as a publishing house for left-wing literature and more as a campaigning organisation among the mass of rank and file trade unionists. Fittingly, the last issue of Voice of the Unions that Kendall edited in 1976 unveiled the famous Lucas Shop Stewards' Alternative Corporate Plan, which in turn inspired a host of similar radical initiatives in Britain and abroad.

Meanwhile, back in the early 'sixties, Allen and Unwin had gone back on a contract to publish the fruits of his research on the origins of the Communist Party citing, it appears, his lack of formal academic qualifications and fearing that sales would be low. It was at this point, in 1962, that Kendall obtained a Labour Party scholarship to Ruskin College where he was awarded a Diploma in Social Science with distinction in 1964, having earlier won the G D H Cole Labour History Prize with an essay on the influence of Russian socialist immigration on British socialism which was published as an article in the International Review of Social History. The influence of Russian socialist exiles in Britain was a factor in Kendall's interpretation of the origins of the Communist Party. A chapter on 'The Russian Emigrés' would later feature in the Revolutionary Movement.

More of what later formed the basis of that book appeared in his B Litt thesis on 'The Formation of the British Communist Party' at St Catherine's College, Oxford in 1966. Hugh Clegg was Kendall's supervisor and later, in the 'Acknowledgements' for the book he recorded his thanks to him and also 'for encouragement and advice', to Alan Bullock. Kendall was to maintain friendly contact with Alan Bullock throughout his life. In the late 1970s,Ê Alan Bullock invited him to write an Essay on 'Workers' in the book he was preparing on The Faces of Europe. The blurb announced that 'Alan Bullock, Master of St Catherine's College and formerly Vice-Chancellor of Oxford University, captains a team of distinguished writers, all of international reputation, who are themselves representatives of several professions and many nations both within and outside Europe'. Later, when Kendall was seeking financial support while writingÊ his book on British & World CommunismÊ Alan Bullock wrote a letter dated 21 November 1986,Êsupporting Walter's application for a grant from Êthe Ralph Lewis SilverÊJubilee Award Fund - University of Sussex, saying 'Mr Kendall has established himself as one of the leading authorities on the history of socialist and communist movements in the 20th century, matching a remarkable range of historical knowledge with an unusual objectivity of judgement.'Ê He also offered to write a preface. But the book remains unpublished. Following his period at St Catherine's Kendall spent a year as visiting professor at Wayne State University, Detroit. . Kendall's politics were regarded with sufficient suspicion by the US State Department for him to have had two visa applications rejected earlier. Fortunately, his third try was successful.

The Revolutionary Movement was published in 1969. It had a considerable impact. There were over 40 reviews ranging from that of A J P Taylor in the Observer to Paul Foot's in the Sunday Times, and from Jo Grimond in the Spectator to Eric Hobsbawm in the New Statesman. David Marquand's review was broadcast on the BBC's Third Programme as well as being published in The Listener. Some disliked the conclusions he reached, but with six detailed appendices and 120 pages of endnotes - few of them simply single references - he could hardly be accused of neglecting the 'apparatus of scholarship'. The Revolutionary Movement in Britain, 1900-1921 was sub-titled The Origins of British Communism.

The aim of the book was made clear in its introduction. 'This study, by seeking to show for the first time the trends, tendencies and events which preceded and influenced the character and composition of the Communist Party, as well as the precise methods by which the party itself was founded, is intended to provide material for an understanding of this strange phenomenon.' [p xii] The book caused controversy much of which centred on the evidence revealed about the importance of 'Moscow gold' in setting up the CPGB. This has now become commonplace, but at the time it was quite novel and, to some, shocking. Reactions to the book, even among some of those most involved in Labour history, were frequently hostile. His work has fared better in more recent times. Kevin Morgan, in the preface to his Labour Legends and Russian Gold [2006] which, as he noted, approached the issue from a very different perspective, wrote of Kendall as 'the first British historian to get to grips with the issue of Russian Gold' whose 'rigorous exposition of constructive argument and analysis' was a model to emulate.

The central thesis of The Revolutionary Movement was that the Communist Party 'absorbed … practically the whole pre-existing revolutionary movement' and replaced one that had been 'ultra democratic, opposed to leadership on principle, opposed to the professionalisation of the Labour movement almost as an article of faith' by a highly professionalised one centrally directed by Comintern. The result as he saw it was the tragic decline of a variety of promising native traditions, 'the end of the SDF-BSP tradition, the demise of the SLP, the end of the shop steward movement and the burial of its ideas, the decline and disappearance of the movement for Guild Socialism, Syndicalism and workers control.' [ p 300] It was, of course, particularly these last strands that related directly to his work with Voice and the IWC.

Kendall was well aware what the reaction to the book was likely to be on some parts of the Left. Anticipating that it would be decried as 'anti-Communist', he tried to explain in the Introduction that where opposition to oppression and exploitation and promotion of human dignity and human liberty had led people into the Communist Party he was 'in accord' with them despite his rejection of the CP as 'a proper means' for the realization of these ideals. This did little to mollify his critics who, not surprisingly, were not to be satisfied by being told, in effect, that they had got it all wrong, but their hearts were (probably) in the right place.

But it would be quite wrong to think that Kendall's rejection of Communism and its offshoots, or his commitment to the Labour Party, softened his criticism of his 'right-wing' opponents. It was, after all, the ferociously anti-Communist ETU, under Frank Chapple, which undermined Voice's shaky finances by suing after a carelessly worded criticism of the policies of its leadership in the paper. And in November 1973 an article on 'Two Men We Don't Like' appeared. In it Kendall compared George Meany, president of the American AFL-CIO whose politics, he said, were 'to the right of Ted Heath, somewhere to the left of Enoch Powell' and Alexander Shelepin, a one-time head of the KGB now head of the Russian trade union federation and vice-president of the WFTU. Meany's organisation was, Kendall insisted, often 'an outright cover for the operations of the CIA' while Shelepin had recently used his influence 'to prevent either the WFTU or its affiliates rendering aid to the Poland's embattled workers'. Recalling a 'proud boast' of the American leader, Kendall commented 'Shelepin, like his US counterpart, George Meany, has never walked a picket line. Nor, to our knowledge, has he ever negotiated a union agreement either.' [Voice of the Unions, November 1973]

Similarly, for Kendall, the failures and shortcomings of the Labour Right and the Leninist Left were mutually reinforcing. 'The failures of Social Democracy are used to justify the crimes of Stalinism,' he wrote in The Labour Movement in Europe [p 331] 'The crimes of Stalinism are used to justify the failure of Social Democracy fundamentally to transform the status quo.' Central to Kendall's political outlook was the belief that the cautious Labourism of the Party leadership and its equivalents elsewhere, the authoritarian rule of the 'Soviet bloc', and the notion of 'democratic centralism' subscribed to by a range of Trotskyist and Maoist grouplets, all interacted in such a way as to constantly threaten to stifle any more libertarian, democratic and radical voices on the Left.

Perhaps the most lonely political stand that Kendall took was his support in the mid-1970s for the European 'Common Market' which was almost universally opposed and reviled across the whole Left spectrum. On this he was far more isolated than in his advocacy of workers' self-management or even his hostility to Leninism in all its manifestations. Few people he knew on the Left, except his friend the M P Eric Heffer, took a similar position. Central to his argument was that 'Europe' did not have to remain a 'capitalists' club' but could be a means of beginning to move concretely towards a real internationalism. That it could be made to serve the interests of the working class and human progress generally was, he thought, evident in the widespread Left presence in the, then, 'Six', including the, then, large electoral constituencies at that time of the French and Italian Communist Parties. He could see, he said, why people on the Right were - correctly from their point of view - opposed to British membership, but for the Left to be opposed was lunacy. The vision of such as Michael Foot and Tony Benn effectively co-operating with Enoch Powell in the 'No' campaign baffled as well as pained him. This commitment informed his next book.

He was a Fellow of the Centre for Contemporary European Studies at Sussex University by the time The Revolutionary Movement was published. A period as Senior Research Fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford (1970-73) followed before he returned to Sussex for a spell with the Institute of Manpower Studies. (1975-77) Kendall had his own inimitable way of coping with academia. He gave a paper at a Nuffield seminar attended by the academic great and good. It was entitled 'Some problems of methodology encountered in a study of European Labour Movements'. It began with an apology. 'I have to introduce this paper with at least two disclaimers. The first is to confess that due to occupation in other directions, I have travelled this far on my journey through life without ever giving a seminar paper before. The burden of probability suggests therefore that in form and perhaps in content, this contribution may leave a great deal to be desired. The second confession, even more disturbing than the first, is that I am not a sociologist, I have never been trained in the discipline, nor read the masters of the faith. This paper may then be political sociology: it may not. I shall leave it to the audience to judge. Well, you might ask what am I doing here? I second that question".' ['Some problems of methodology…' p 1] The paper was in fact greatly appreciated.

The main outcomes of this period, were the unpublished work on the Comintern mostly written as Senior Research Fellow at Nuffield College and the publication of The Labour Movement in Europe in 1975, by which point he had also been Chair of the Society for the Study of Labour History. The aim of this second book was simple and straightforward. 'Internationalism' its introduction began, 'has been a watchword of labour for more than one hundred years. Yet information regarding the international labour movement remains astonishingly hard to find. This work in its own limited and pioneering fashion sets out to remedy that omission'.[p xiii] And later he expressed the hope that it would help 'to introduce, across national frontiers, the workers and intellectuals of each nation to the other' and to 'eliminate past misunderstandings and contribute towards the creation of a common consciousness and sense of purpose, towards a rise in practical working-class and human solidarity…' [p xiv] Chapters summarising the industrial revolution and the rise and current state of the Labour movement in Europe were followed by chapters on each of the 'Six' (except Luxembourg) and Britain. It concluded with a chapter on 'Europe International' and another on the European motor industry.

The over-arching theme was the importance of taking into account and respecting the specific histories, circumstances and traditions of the labour movements in different countries rather than assuming Ð usually unconsciously - that 'the mode of operation of labour movements in Britain and the USA conforms to some objective norm from which the labour movements of other countries diverge, for unexpected, but by implication, irrational, reasons.' The, rather question inviting, reference to 'and the U.S.A' reflects Kendall's considerable interest in the American labour movement, and, no doubt, his hope for American interest in the book. A sort of 'pocket version' of the book (minus the British chapter) was the substantial pamphlet Unions in Europe - Organised Labour in the Six published by the Centre for Contemporary European Studies at Sussex University in 1971. It greatly appealed to Kendall's sense of humour Ð and once heard his laugh was unforgettable as was his peculiar taste for bootlace ties Ð that he wrote this jointly with another Fellow of the Centre, Eli Marx. 'Kendall and Marx', 'That'll show them!' he chortled.

Subsequently, he had other temporary appointments including a visiting fellowship at Trinity College, Dublin, and a year teaching at Ruskin. As a teacher he was unrivalled in his ability to enthuse students and to steer them towards their own academic interests or research, while instilling in them the confidence that, by their efforts, they could achieve something. He returned to teach at Ruskin for six months in 1987.

In the early 1980s Kendall was also active in the Polish Solidarity Campaign (PSC) whose committee he chaired in 1983/84. He had been active in securing Labour movement support for the Gdansk strikers from the beginning (and before the Polish Solidarity Committee was formed on 25 August 1980) doing all he could through his many contacts in the UK and abroad, writing articles and letters.ÊThis activity intensified after the formation of the PSC and also of the Polish Trade Union Fund launched in November 1980. Kendall wrote many articles including several for Tribune such as 'How Britain's Labour movement can help build democracy and socialism in Poland': [Tribune 5 Sept 1980], 'Free trade unions are vital in developing democratic socialism' [Tribune 26 Sept 1980] 'Why the Socialist International must urgently speak out', [Tribune 14 November 1980] , 'The Labour Movement must speak out in favour of solidarity'[ÊTribune 9 January 1981] and 'Poland: What can British socialists do'Ê. Ê[Tribune 1 January 1982]

Meanwhile, in 1980, a time when it was rare - especially on the Left - to perceive the USSR and the Cold War division of Europe as anything but permanent features of the foreseeable future, Kendall made a remarkably confident prediction whose prescience became clear only a decade later.

The rulers of Russia and Eastern Europe seek to convince their own subject populations. and with them public opinion in the West, that their rule, like that of the Medes and the Persians before them, will last for ever. The Apocalypse has arrived. In the East we are asked to believe that 'history' has ended, that there will be no more 'time'. In due course, sooner or later, inexorably, capitalism will collapse. The 'soviet' system will rule supreme.

In fact, far from 'history' being ended, the regimes in Eastern Europe remain so backward that for them modern history has scarcely begun. The rulers of Russia in particular face such problems that their survival much beyond the immediate future seems highly unlikely. Soviet 'socialism' is not at all the pattern of the 'wave of the future'. Well before the end of the century it is likely to appear as an ephemeral, highly aberrant special case. When the Soviet system disintegrates, the communist regimes in their present form in Eastern Europe assuredly will rapidly fall into ruins as well.

Euro-communism' to the extent that it is something more than a diplomatic manoeuvre, a multi-national communist corollary of the Helsinki Agreement, a passing counterpart of detente, in itself represents a recognition that the Soviet experiment has failed and can no longer be accepted as the obligatory universal model by the communist parties to the West. This in turn involves the belated recognition that the very decision to split the socialist movement in itself was an error. If Russia is not the embodiment of the socialist ideal, if revolution on the Russian model is accepted as a chimera, there is nothing left for the communist parties to do but disband. The decline and fall of Communist rule in Russia inexorably must bring with it the disintegration of the communist parties in Europe as well.

['Workers' in The Faces of Europe' (ed.) Alan Bullock, Phaidon Press, 1980. pp74/75.]

It was also in the early '80s that Kendall produced a series of articles for Tribune - with characteristic titles such as 'Undemocratic Centralism' [Tribune, 2 May 1980] and 'Democracy versus Authoritarianism' [Tribune, 11 July 1980.] - which in his later judgement contained some the best socialist polemic he ever wrote and which together go a long way to summarising his politics. (See the separate sub-section in 'Writings' below) In them he attacked the 'reactionary bureaucratic theory' of 'democratic centralism' and the whole Leninist tradition, demanded Labour movement support for the Polish Solidarity movement, and re-emphasised the vital role of free trade unions. His assault on 'democratic centralism' early in May 1980 led to a fervent debate in the columns of the paper for the rest of that month.

Kendall's long term intention was to produce a series of four volumes on the socialist experience in the 20th century and the history of Communism. The first two РThe Revolutionary Movement in Britain, and The Labour Movement in Europe were published. For many years Kendall worked on the mammoth and still unpublished - 'The World Revolution, the Russian Revolution and the Communist International, 1898-1935', typescripts of which are now lodged in the library of Nuffield College and in the British Library. That apart, this has only seen the light of day in the form of occasional articles and papers. A similar fate befell his critical history of the British CP, 'British and World Communism in Historical Perspective' which exists only in draft form. He was dogged towards the end of his life by illness and for his final several years he was virtually physically paralysed by Progressive Supranuclear Palsy while remaining intellectually as lively as ever.

He conducted a long-running correspondence over the wartime role of James Klugman in SOE in Labour History Review. His disagreement with the Leninist ideologies did not prevent him from collaborating in Revolutionary History's 2001 issue on The Comintern and its Critics with a piece on the 'Turn from "Social-Fascism" to the Popular Front.' In these later years he had became involved in a series of discussions with some of the people around Revolutionary History and made a number of contributions to that journal. Paul Flewers, who was a regular participant in the discussions notes that 'Despite Walter's deep differences with Trotskyists such as Al Richardson and myself, we respected his integrity as a socialist and had many long, intricate and friendly discussion with him. Walter asked awkward questions and made us think.' [email message to Ian Bullock. 30 May 2007 ]

Kendall was knowledgeable about not only the labour and socialist movements in Europe, but also those of Canada and the USA and, Japan. In 1979 he had been awarded a Japanese Foundation grant to spend a fortnight in that country investigating the trade union and socialist movement. This took place in May. By September that year he had completed a 40,000 word book on 'The Japanese Labour Movement in International Perspective' intended to be an introduction to British and more generally European readers. Publishers feared its appeal would be too limited and it was never published. However, the brief visit did lead to a long-running series of lectures on aspects of the European Labour and Trade union movements given annually each October between 1979 and 1991 to a study team of about 50 officials of the Japan Federation of Commercial Workers' Unions. Only on one occasion, in 1987, did he miss one of these through illness. He wrote several articles, mainly for Tribune on developments in Japan and one for Management Today in 1984.

His work also encouraged others, as intellectuals and as activists, to take seriously the history of the pre-1917 Left and the importance of national particularities within an overall context of internationalism. He was partly responsible for the renewal of interest in workers' control/self-management in the '60s and '70s. One theme he kept returning to was his insistence that it was inexcusable in the second half of the 20th century for socialists to refuse to think in any detail about the nature of a socialist society until 'after the revolution'. He remained a democratic and libertarian socialist and a loyal Labour Party member to the end, without ever buying into the "New Labour" project.

What was most unusual, bordering on the unique for his time and place, about Walter Kendall, was well stated in the Labour History Review obituary by John McIlroy [Vol 69 No 2 August 2004] 'Walter represented what is today an embattled species, men and women who attempt to combine scholarship and teaching with dedication to the labour movement and activism within it.' Much the same was said by Denis MacShane, from a rather different Left perspective, in a letter to Tribune, 30 January 2004 . He characterised Kendall as "An organic intellectual, committed to doing as well as writing … tireless in his enthusiasm to help workers living under dictatorships seeking to organise themselves independently of state or party control".

Outwardly extrovert, Walter Kendall, was, in reality, a very private person, on his guard with strangers and opening up only to close friends with whom he was warm, generous and full of mischievous humour.

He died after a long illness on 27 October 2003.

Obituaries

Tony Carew, Tribune, 16 January, 2004 . This elicited a letter from Denis MacShane in the next issue of Tribune "Historian and Organic Intellectual", 30 January 2004; in effect a further obituary.

Ian Bullock, History Workshop Journal, Issue 57, Spring 2004

Dr Anthony Carew, Arena (USDAW) May/June 2004

Al Richardson, Revolutionary History, Volume 8, no 4, 2004.

Unsigned ( but by Pam Kendall), South Slav Journal, vol 25, Spring/Summer, 2004

John McIlroy and Tony Carew, Labour History Review vol 69 (2), August 2004

Sources

Pam Kendall

Dr Paul Flewers

Personal knowledge

Opening Speech, National Conference on Workers' Control, Sheffield 30-31 March 1969 (typescript) Walter Kendall's papers, including an unpublished 'Some memoirs of an interesting life' compiled in the early 21st century, ' and the draft of his 'History of the British Communist Party' are at the time of writing in the process of being lodged at the International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam.

PUBLISHED WRITINGS

- Academic

G D H Cole Labour History Prize essay. See articles below.

B Litt thesis on 'The Formation of the British Communist Party' at St Catherine's College, Oxford, 1966

- Published books

The Revolutionary Movement in Britain 1900-21. The Origins of British Communism. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969. Reprinted 1971

with Eli Marx Unions in Europe. A guide to Organised Labour in the Six. Centre for Contemporary European Studies, University of Sussex, 1971.

The Labour Movement in Europe, London, Allen Lane, 1975. [this subsequently appeared in German translation]

UNPUBLISHED

'The Japanese Labour Movement in International Perspective' completed 1979

'The World Revolution, the Russian Revolution and the Communist International, 1898-1935', typescripts in the library of Nuffield College and in the British Library.

'British and World Communism in Historical Perspective' - in draft.

Contributions to other books

'Free trade unions and Socialism in 1969' in Ken Coates, Tony Topham and Michael Barratt Brown (eds) Trade Union Register, London, The Merlin Press, 1969.

'Industrial Relations in IRI' in Stuart Holland (ed) The State as Entrepreneur, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1972.

''The Breakdown of Stalinist Socialism' in Julius Jacobson (ed) Soviet Communism and the Socialist Vision, New York, Transaction Books, 1972.

'The Communist Party of Great Britain' in W Swiratowski (ed) World Communism. A Handbook, Stanford, California, Hoover Institute Press, 1973

'Labour Unrest before the First World War' in David Rubinstein (ed) People for the People, Ithaca Press, London and Humanities Press, New York, 1973.

'Why Workers' Control' in David Widgery (ed) The Left in Britain, 1956-1968, Penguin, 1975.

'Workers in Europe' in Alan Bullock (ed) Faces of Europe, London, Phaidon Press, 1980

OTHER PUBLICATIONS

Mercato Comune e movimento operiao in Europa. Milan, Azione Comune, 1965.

'Workers' Participation and Workers' Control. Aspects of the British Experience' Participation and Self-Management, Vol 3 ' Workers' Movement and Workers' Control'. Proceedings of First International Sociological Conference on Participation and Self-Management, 13-17 December, 1972. Institute for Social Research, University of Zagreb, 1973.

State Ownership, Workers' Control and Socialism, ILP Publications Leeds and Institute of Workers' Control, Nottingham, 1973.

Editor, Industrial Relations in Leyland-Innocenti, Milan, report of a study group, Department of External Affairs, University of Oxford, 1975.

'How Japanese is the Japanese Model of Industrial Relations?' in Charles Mcarthy & Ferdinand von Prondzynski (eds) in Discussion Papers in Industrial Relations, Vol 11, Trinity College, Dublin, 1984.

ARTICLES

[Kendall was a prolific writer of articles and what follows cannot claim to be an exhaustive list. He wrote articles and book reviews for, among others, Voice of the Unions, Engineering Voice, Socialist Leader, Tribune, TLS, The Irish Times, Royal Institute for International Affairs, trade union journals such as USDAW's New Dawn, The Railway Review, The Barker [USA], overseas socialist journals such as Critica Sociale Avanti [Italy], New Politics, [USA] La Vanguardi, [Argentina] and other publications such as Labour History Review, and Polish Solidarity Campaign News.]

'Stalinist Socialism. Myth of the 20th Century' in The Review, Imry Nagy Institute, Brussels, nos 2/3, 1962.

'Russian Emigration and British Marxist Socialism', International Review of Social History, Vol VIII, Part 3, 1963. This was based on his G D H Cole Labour History Prize essay

'Trade unions in Britain and the Common Market', European Studies, London 1969.

'Folk Myths of the Western World', Bulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour History, London, Spring, 1970.

'McInnes and Social-Democracy', Survey, No 72, London, Summer 1969.

'Trade Unions in Germany' European Community, London, March 1970.

'Trade Unions in France' European Community, London, April 1970.

'Participiazione Operaioi e Controllo Operaio' in Stud di Sociologia' Milan, June 1970.

'Trade Unions in Belgium and Luxembourg' European Community, London, August/September 1970.

'Trade Unions in the Netherlands' European Community, London, October 1970.

'Shop Stewards in Britain', special text for European circulation, Documentation Europeenne. Series Syndicale et Ouvriere, Brussels, 1971.

'Industrial Democracy in Western Europe', Free Labour World, Brussels, July/August, 1973.

'Shop Stewards in Britain' Free Labour World, Brussels, September 1973.

'The Comintern Ð 60 Years After. Reflections on the Anniversary.' Survey, London, Winter, 1979.

'Trotsky and the Trotskyists', The Spectator, London, 16 April 1983.

'Why Japanese Workers Work - Western awe of Japan's miraculous industrial relations may be misplaced; "lifetime employment" for a few is sustained by precariousness of the many.' Management Today, January 1984.

Review of Piero Melograni Lenin and the Myth of World Revolution: Ideology and Reasons of State 1917-20, (1990) Revolutionary History, Vol 3 (3), Spring 1991

'On Bruno Rizzi" Revolutionary History, Vol 4 (3) Summer 1992

' Workers' Control and the Theory of Socialism, New Interventions, Vol.3 No.3, 1992

'Isaac Deutscher as a Prophet' New Interventions, pamphlet Isaac Deutscher 1907-1967' 1992. This was republished as a tribute to WK in New Interventions, Vol 11, No 4 Autumn 2004.

Letter on "Marxism and the Theory of Workers' States" Revolutionary History Vol 4 (4) Spring 1993

'The Communist International and the Turn from "Social-Fascism" to the Popular Front' in The Comintern and its Critics. Revolutionary History. Vol 8 no 1, 2001.

Short Articles for Tribune in the early 1980s

'Ayatollahs of Socialism' Tribune, 8 February 1980

'Trotskyism Ð science or religion?' Tribune 14 March 1980

'Undemocratic Centralism' Tribune, 2 May 1980

'Democracy versus Authoritarianism' Tribune, 11 July 1980.

'How Britain's Labour movement can help build democracy and socialism in Poland' Tribune, 5 September 1980.

'Free trade unions are vital to developing democratic socialism' Tribune, 26 September 1980.

'No future for Britain's Communist Party?' Tribune, 20 November 1981

'Should we defend Militant?' Tribune, 19 March 1982.

 

 

Ian Bullock and Tony Carew